Why is the Alternative Für Deutschland Disproportionately Successful in Eastern Germany?

-Edited by Isadore Hart

Introduction

Decades after German reunification, significant political, cultural, and economic divides between the East and West persist. These lingering regional disparities have created fertile

conditions for far-right populist parties, such as the Alternative für Deutschland (AfD), to gain

unprecedented electoral support in the east. The AfD’s success in the 2017 federal elections marked a significant shift in Germany’s political landscape for the first time in modern German history, there is an established party to the right of the traditional right-centre parties and a six-party Bundestag (Mercecia, 2019, p.33). Much of this success is attributed to high levels of support in eastern Germany (Weisskircher, 2020, p.616). This article will argue that the Alternative für Deutschland is disproportionately successful in Eastern Germany due to differences in central political attitudes that stem from historical grievances, socio-economic disparities, and political dissatisfaction. By positioning itself as an advocate for east German interests, the AfD strategically exploits these factors to gain significant electoral support. First, the article will frame its argument by outlining constructivism and the principles of populism and applying them to the German case (historical narratives of the East-West divide and the rise of the AfD). Then, the article will analyse the underlying divisions between the east and west, highlighting how differences in central political attitudes are influenced by long- withstanding historical grievances, socio-economic disparities, and political dissatisfaction. Finally, the article will examine how the AfD strategically exploits these underlying political attitudes through anti-immigration stances and populist rhetoric that politically reinforce the East-West divide.

Theory and Context

Constructivism and History

First, it is critical to outline how aspects of constructivism inform historical narratives

Regarding the East-West divide in Germany. Constructivist theory focuses on how ideas, identities, and norms are socially constructed through shared understandings. These social constructs manifest in collective identities and persistent historical narratives. In the case of Germany, the East-West divide and German reunification have been deeply intertwined with narratives of national and regional identity, a theme that extends into scholarly literature and public perception. Some authors argue that Germany remains divided, describing the country as “one federal republic and two Germanies” or suggesting that reunification was a “transplantation” (Oswald & Robertson, 2022, p.2). 

This perception of reunification as integration into West Germany, rather than an actual reunification, has contributed to narratives of injustice, marginalisation and even colonialism in the east.

The public also perceives this profound division—most Germans think that significant regional divisions persist between the east and west. According to a poll conducted in 2019, “69 percent of West Germans and 74 percent of Germans living in the East agree to the statement that ‘even thirty years after the fall of the wall, the differences between the East and West Germany are still very big’” (Rensmann, 2019, p.33).

Populism and the AfD

Secondly, while constructivism helps explain the persistence of east German identity,

populism showcases why certain political movements gain traction in the east German electoral base. Though there is no one definition of populism, it can be understood as a political ideology that fosters an antagonistic relationship between ‘the people’ and ‘the elite’. It often combines an anti-establishment stance with a nativist element, positioning the interests of natives above those of cultural outsiders—this leads to many populist parties “at the right side of the political spectrum” (Berbuir, Lewandowsky, & Siri, 2014, p.156). The AfD holds strong anti-establishment, anti-immigration, and nativist stances, in line with far-right populist parties. Consequently, such parties typically “draw support from voters with a clearly defined socio-economic profile,” who tend to have a policy preference on immigration and distrust mainstream political institutions (Goerres, Spies, & Kumlin, 2018, p.250-1). Hans-Georg Betz bluntly specifies that a lower social stratum—those at risk of unemployment, the poorly educated, low-skilled, and low-paid—tends to gravitate towards populist parties (Betz, 1993, p.25). Thus, far-right populist parties

resonate with those motivated by historical marginalisation, socio-economic disadvantage, and political dissatisfaction.

Central Political Attitudes

Given the theoretical and practical context, the AfD is disproportionately successful in eastern Germany due to a combination of underlying tensions: historical grievances, socio-economic disparities, and high levels of political dissatisfaction. These create key differences in central political attitudes in the East, characterised by feelings of less trust, collective

disadvantage, and societal marginalisation. Such characteristics mean that populist parties, like the AfD, are particularly appealing to the electoral base in East Germany.

To begin, distinct historical legacies exist in East and West Germany. Western Germans have lived under a liberal democracy for over seven decades, producing trust in democratic

processes and capitalism (Aron, 2023, p.124-5). In contrast, the legacy of the GDR continues to influence the East, where experiences under communism have fostered lingering scepticism towards liberalism and globalisation. Following reunification, the historical legacies of the division are “responsible for a politico-cultural lack of experience with democracy” in the east, creating a sense of exclusion in the existing liberal government (Rensmann, p.40). These post-reunification struggles have been compounded by economic hardship and feelings of marginalisation, fuelling nationalist attitudes towards established institutions and division with the West. This sense of disenfranchisement has 

created opportunities for the success of the AfD, where many citizens in the east—especially the AfD’s supporters—report feeling like “second-class citizens” (Schmalenberger, 2024, p.40). This sentiment points to the “importance of recognition, or its lack thereof,” as a driving factor in the AfD’s appeal to the electoral base in eastern Germany (Weisskircher, p.618). Further, socio-economic disparities are a critical factor underpinning the East-West divide in Germany. Overall “persistent economic and power gaps” exist between the East and West in “median income, employment, wages, economic opportunities, and the allocation of resources, power, and elite positions” (Rensmann, p.42). For instance, in eastern Germany, average income and wealth are significantly lower, while unemployment is consistently higher (Weisskircher, p.618). Such characteristics align with feelings of economic disadvantage and disenfranchisement by the elite. In fact, less than two percent of German

elites are from the East, contributing to perceptions of exclusion and reinforcing distrust in established political institutions (Weisskircher,p.620). 

Disparities in infrastructure between the regions are also evident, with citizens in rural areas—where scepticism towards the establishment and globalisation tends to be higher—typically residing in the east (Rensmann, p.41).

Moreover, citizens in the East are more culturally homogenous (5 percent of the foreign population lives in the East) (Weisskircher, p.618). As a result, citizens in the East experience fewer intercultural experiences and are more likely to be anti-immigration. The popularity of nativist attitudes in the East helps explain the higher electoral support for the AfD (Arzheimer, 2015).

In addition to socio-economic grievances, political dissatisfaction in eastern Germany is a significant factor contributing to the region’s alignment with the AfD. Western elites dominate major institutions and established parties, leaving eastern Germans feeling politically marginalized (Veit, 2023, p.149). This persistent underrepresentation is evident in the decline of Eastern German figures in regional governments (Weisskircher, p.620). As German centrist parties perform significantly worse in the East; it seems there is a deep-seated perception that Germany’s political model inherently favours Western interests (Rensmann, p.36). These dynamics foster anti-establishment attitudes, with many eastern Germans turning to the AfD as a platform to voice their dissatisfaction and seek recognition. These patterns reveal a complex historical legacy where political, economic, and social issues coalesce, reinforcing the AfD’s appeal in the East.

AfD: an advocate for East Germans?

The Alternative für Deutschland deliberately capitalises on underlying East-West tensions to gain electoral support in the East. It is important to note that the AfD is not a regionalist party that centres on recognition for the East and Eastern Germans. Rather, its core platform is anchored in anti-immigration policies and ethnonationalist narratives (Weisskircher, p.617). Given this, the party leverages the high levels of dissatisfaction, 

anti-immigration sentiment, and nativism in eastern Germany, which have roots in the region’s distinct historical and social experiences, to boost its popularity there.

However, the AfD capitalises on post-reunification grievances and dissatisfaction with democracy in the easy, positioning itself as the defender of an ‘eastern identity and a critic of the political establishment. This is evident in divisive language where the party claims to defend eastern values and the ‘forgotten east’ Rhetorically, the AfD’s portrayal of eastern citizens as the “true Germans” and regionally charged calls to action like ‘The East Rises Up!’ intensify feelings of opposition to the west and its establishments (Ibid.). Further examples include invoking historical references to the fall of the Berlin Wall through slogans’ Change 2.0’ (‘Wende 2.0’), ‘complete the change’ (‘Vollende die Wende’) and ‘We are the people’ (‘Wir sind das Volk’) — ultimately positioning the AfD as the continuation of the eastern struggle for recognition (Schmalenberger, p.47). The language used by the AfD politically reinforces the East-West divide while framing itself as a champion of East German interests. While underlying tensions create fertile ground for populism in eastern Germany, the AfD moves to “actively feed lingering rage” in the east, with a sense of marginalisation in the region (Rensmann, p.47).

Conclusion

The Alternative für Deutschland is disproportionately successful in eastern Germany due to a complex combination of historical, economic, and political factors that create key

differences in central political attitudes. The party has strategically exploited these underlying East-West tensions to gain unprecedented electoral support in the east. In developing this

argument, the article was framed with a constructivist and populist theory, demonstrating how these underpin the East-West divide narratives and the rise of the AfD in the east German electoral base. Three key factors came out of this —historical grievances, socio-economic disparities, and high levels of political dissatisfaction—which create a political attitude that aligns with the AfD’s platform (anti-establishment and anti-immigration). The article’s final contention is that the party's success partly comes from how the AfD leverages the underlying tensions through its anti-immigration platform and populist rhetoric.

It is important to note that while there is extensive literature on the East-West divide and its implications, the rise of the AfD is a more recent phenomenon. As a result, literature is

relatively limited and will, therefore, advance alongside developments in German politics. For instance, further research might explore how the AfD’s success in East Germany might

reshape party coalitions and policymaking in Germany, especially if it continues to gain strength in eastern Länder in the upcoming snap election. Based on this analysis, overemphasising the

divide discursively reinforces it; moving forward, Germany needs find a balanced narrative that honours the achievements of reunification while addressing lingering inequalities.

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